04. 外交政策：爭取和平 Foreign Policy: Fighting for Peace
THE CAREER DIPLOMATS WHO got us into many foreign policy messes say I have no experience in foreign policy. They think that successful diplomacy requires years of experience and an understanding of all the nuances that have to be carefully considered before reaching a conclusion. Only then do these pinstriped bureaucrats consider taking action.
職業外交官到了我們許多外交政策混亂都說我是在外交政策方面沒有經驗。他們認為，成功的外交需要多年的經驗和所有不得不得出結論之前，仔細考慮的細微差別的理解。只有這樣做這些細條紋的官僚考慮採取行動。
Look at the state of the world right now. It’s a terrible mess, and that’s putting it kindly.
現在看世界的狀態。這是一個可怕的混亂，而這把它親切。
There has never been a more dangerous time. The so-called insiders within the Washington ruling class are the people who got us into this trouble. So why should we continue to pay attention to them?
從未有過一個更危險的時刻。華盛頓統治階級內部的所謂內部人士是誰，讓我們陷入這種麻煩的人。所以，我們為什麼還要繼續關注他們呢？
Some of these so-called “experts” are trying to scare people by saying that my approach would make the world more dangerous.
一些所謂的“專家”試圖通過說我的做法將使世界更加危險嚇唬人。
More dangerous? More dangerous than what? More dangerous than where we are now?
Here’s what I know—what we are doing now isn’t working. And years ago, when I was just starting out in business, I figured out a pretty simple approach that has always worked well for me:
這是我知道的，我們現在正在做的是不工作。而年前，當我在業務是剛剛起步的，我想出了一個非常簡單的方法，一直為我工作得好：
When you’re digging yourself deeper and deeper into a hole, stop digging. 當你挖掘自己越陷越深了一個洞，停止挖掘。
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My approach to foreign policy is built on a strong foundation: Operate from strength. That means we have to maintain the strongest military in the world, by far. We have to demonstrate a willingness to use our economic strength to reward those countries that work with us and punish those countries that don’t. That means going after the banks and financial institutions that launder money for our enemies, then move it around to facilitate terrorism. And we have to create alliances with our allies that reveal mutual benefits.
我對外交政策的做法是建立在一個堅實的基礎：從實力操作。這意味著我們必須保持強大的軍事在世界上，迄今為止。我們必須表現出願意使用我們的經濟實力，以獎勵那些與我們合作國家，懲罰那些沒有國家。這意味著，洗錢對我們的敵人的銀行和金融機構去後，再移動左右，以方便恐怖主義。我們必須建立與我們的盟國，揭示互惠互利的聯盟。
If we’re going to continue to be the policemen of the world, we ought to be paid for it.
如果我們要繼續成為世界的警察，我們應該要為它付出。
Teddy Roosevelt always believed we should “speak softly and carry a big stick.” I’ve never been afraid to speak up to protect my interests and, truthfully, I don’t understand why we don’t speak more loudly about the ways we are losing around the world. If we don’t speak up, how is anything ever going to get better? How are we ever going to win?
特迪·羅斯福始終相信，我們應該“輕聲說話和手持大棒。”我從來不敢說出來保護我的利益，說實話，我不明白為什麼我們不更大聲談論我們的方法正在失去世界各地。如果我們不說話了，怎麼什麼以往任何時候都變得更好？我們如何過會贏？
America is the most powerful country in the world and we shouldn’t be afraid to say it. “Iron Mike” Tyson, the famous fighter, once explained his philosophy, saying, “Everybody has a plan until they get punched in the mouth.”
美國是世界上最強大的國家，我們不應該害怕說出來。 “鐵邁克”泰森，著名戰鬥機，曾解釋他的理念，他說，“每個人都有一個計劃，直到他們在口中得到打孔”。
The first thing we need to do is build up our ability to throw that punch. We need to spend whatever it takes to completely fund our military properly. Fifteen years ago I wrote, “We can’t pursue forward military and foreign-policy objectives on a backward military budget.”
我們需要做的第一件事就是建立我們的能力拋出一拳。我們需要花不惜一切代價完全正確資助我們的軍隊。十五年前我寫的，“我們不能在一個落後的軍事預算追求著軍事和外交政策目標。”
The best way not to have to use your military power is to make sure that power is visible.
最好的辦法不是必須使用你的軍事力量，以確保權力是可見的。
When people know that we will use force if necessary and that we really mean it, we’ll be treated differently.
當人們知道，如果有必要，我們將使用武力和我們真正的意思是，我們將區別對待。
With respect.
尊重地。
Right now, no one believes us because we’ve been so weak with our approach to military policy in the Middle East and elsewhere.
現在，沒有人相信我們，因為我們已經與我們在中東和其他地方的做法，以軍事政策那麼弱。
Building up our military is cheap when you consider the alternative. We’re buying peace and we’re locking in our national security. Right now we are in bad shape militarily. We’re decreasing the size of our forces and we’re not giving them the best equipment. Recruiting the best people has fallen off, and we can’t get the people we have trained to the level they need to be. There are a lot of questions about the state of our nuclear weapons. When I read reports of what is going on, I’m shocked.
當你考慮替代建立我軍便宜。我們買的和平與我們在各自的國家安全鎖。現在我們是在惡劣的形狀軍事。我們正在減少我們的力量的大小，我們不會給他們最好的設備。招聘最優秀的人才已經脫落了，我們不能讓我們訓練，他們需要的水平的人。有很多關於我們的核武器國家的問題。當我看到是怎麼回事的報導，我很震驚。
It’s no wonder nobody respects us. It’s no surprise that we never win.
這也難怪沒人尊重我們。這並不奇怪，我們從來沒贏過。
Spending money on our military is also smart business. Who do people think build our airplanes and ships, and all the equipment that our troops should have? American workers, that’s who. So building up our military also makes economic sense because it allows us to put real money into the system and put thousands of people back to work.
我軍花錢也是精明的商家。誰做的人認為建立我們的飛機和船舶，以及所有我們的軍隊應該有裝備？美國的工人，這是誰。因此，建立我們軍方也具有經濟意義，因為它可以讓我們把真金白銀到系統中，並把成千上萬的人回去工作。
還有另一種方式來支付給我們的現代化軍隊。如果其他國家都依賴於我們保護他們，不應該，他們願意確保我們有這樣做的能力？難道他們不應該願意支付軍人和servicewomen和我們提供的設備？
Depending on the price of oil, Saudi Arabia earns somewhere between half a billion and a billion dollars every day. They wouldn’t exist, let alone have that wealth, without our protection. We get nothing from them. Nothing.
根據石油價格，沙特阿拉伯賺取每天十億十億介於半部分和美元。他們就不會存在，更別說有財富，沒有我們的保護。我們從他們那裡得到什麼。沒有。
We defend Germany. We defend Japan. We defend South Korea. These are powerful and wealthy countries. We get nothing from them.
我們捍衛德國。我們保衛日本。我們保衛韓國。這些功能強大，富裕的國家。我們從他們那裡得到什麼。
It’s time to change all that. It’s time to win again.
現在是時候改變這一切。是時候再次獲勝。
We’ve got 28,500 wonderful American soldiers on South Korea’s border with North Korea. They’re in harm’s way every single day. They’re the only thing that is protecting South Korea. And what do we get from South Korea for it? They sell us products—at a nice profit. They compete with us.
我們已經在韓國與朝鮮的邊境有28500美妙的美國士兵。他們傷害的方式每一天。他們是保護韓國的嘛。而我們怎麼從韓國得到了什麼？他們賣給我們的產品，在一個不錯的利潤。他們與我們競爭。
We spent two trillion dollars doing whatever we did in Iraq. I still don’t know why we did it, but we did. Iraq is sitting on an ocean of oil. Is it out of line to suggest that they should contribute to their own future? And after the blood and the money we spent trying to bring some semblance of stability to the Iraqi people, maybe they should be willing to make sure we can rebuild the army that fought for them.
我們花了兩萬億美元做什麼我們在伊拉克所做。我還是不知道為什麼我們做到了，但我們做到了。伊拉克坐擁石油的海洋。它是脫節的建議，他們應該貢獻自己的未來？和血液，我們花了努力帶來穩定的伊拉克人民的一些外表後的錢，也許他們應該願意確保我們能夠重建爭取他們的軍隊。
When Kuwait was attacked by Saddam Hussein, all the wealthy Kuwaitis ran to Paris. They didn’t just rent suites—they took up whole buildings, entire hotels. They lived like kings while their country was occupied.
當科威特被薩達姆·侯賽因襲擊，所有的富人科威特人跑到巴黎。他們不只是租套房，他們採取了整個大樓，整個酒店。他們過著像國王一樣，而他們的國家被佔領了。
Who did they turn to for help? Who else? Uncle Sucker. That’s us.
We spent billions of dollars sending our army to win back Kuwait. Our people were killed and wounded, but the Iraqis went back to their country.
我們花了數十億美元發送我軍奪回科威特。我們的人民被殺害和受傷，但伊拉克人回到自己的國家。
About two months after the war, several Kuwaitis came up to my office to discuss a deal I wanted to do with them. Believe me, they would not have lost money on this deal. They told me, “No, no, no, we do not like the United States for investment purposes. We have great respect for you, but we want to invest outside of the United States.”
戰爭兩個月後，幾個科威特人來到了我的辦公室，討論這筆交易，我想與他們無關。相信我，他們就不會虧錢對這筆交易。他們告訴我，“不，不，不，我們不喜歡美國的投資目的。我們為你很尊重，但我們要外投資美國。“
We had just handed them back their country!
我們剛剛遞給他們回到自己的國家！
They were watching TV in the best hotel rooms in Paris while our kids were fighting for them. And they didn’t want to invest in this country?
他們在巴黎被看著最好的酒店客房電視，而我們的孩子們爭取他們。他們不想投資於這個國家？
How stupid are we?!
多麼愚蠢是我們？
Why didn’t the United States make a deal with them that outlined how they would pay for us to get their country back for them? They would have paid anything if just asked.
為什麼不是美國做處理他們介紹，他們將如何支付我們得到他們的國進民退又在哪裡？如果只是問他們會付出什麼。
The point is, we’re spending trillions of dollars to safeguard other countries. We’re paying for the privilege of fighting their battles. It makes no sense to me.
問題是，我們花了數萬億美元，以保障其他國家。我們付出的戰鬥闖蕩的特權。這是沒有意義的我。
It really is time the rest of the world paid their fair share, and if I have anything to say about it, they will!
這真的是一次世界其他國家支付其公平的份額，如果我有什麼說些什麼，他們會！
The biggest question people ask about foreign policy is at what point do we put boots on the ground? We can’t be afraid to use our military, but sending our sons and daughters should be the very last resort. I’ve seen what wars do to our kids. I’ve seen their broken bodies, know all about the horrors that live in their heads, and the enormous effects of trauma. We cannot commit American troops to battle without a real and tangible objective.
最大的問題人們問的外交政策是我們放什麼點在地面上的靴子？我們不能害怕使用我們的軍隊，而是把我們的兒子和女兒應該是很不得已而為之。我見過做我們的孩子什麼樣的戰爭。我見過他們的身體壞了，都知道住在他們頭上的恐怖和創傷的巨大影響。我們不能承諾美國軍隊的戰鬥沒有一個真正和切實的目標。
My rules of engagement have always been pretty simple—if we are going to intervene in a conflict, there had better be a direct threat to our national interests. The threat should be so obvious that most Americans will know where the hot spot is on the globe and will quickly understand why we are getting involved. Also, we’d better have an airtight plan to win and get out.
我的交戰規則一直很簡單，如果我們要在衝突進行干預，但最好是我們的國家利益構成直接威脅。威脅應該是如此明顯，大多數美國人會知道那裡的熱點是地球上，並會很快明白為什麼我們正在參與進來。此外，我們最好有一個密閉的計劃取勝，全身而退。
In other words, my strategy would be the exact opposite of our strategy in going to war with Iraq.
換句話說，我的策略將是將與伊拉克戰爭我們的策略正好相反。
Iraq was no threat to us. The American people had no idea why the Bush administration decided to attack.
伊拉克對我們沒有威脅。美國人民不知道為什麼布什政府決定進攻。
Our brilliant strategists had to twist our intelligence reports and drum up reasons for an invasion. We targeted Saddam Hussein’s alleged weapons of mass destruction as a justification. There was no plan (or a very flawed one) to win and leave. Before the war started I came out very strongly against it. It made no sense to me. I said then that it would be a disaster and would destabilize the Middle East. I said that without Iraq to hold them back, Iran would attempt to take over the Middle East.
我們輝煌的戰略家不得不扭曲我們的情報報告，並徵集到對入侵的原因。我們針對薩達姆的指控的大規模殺傷性武器為理由。有沒有計劃（或一個非常有缺陷的）贏得離開。在戰爭開始之前，我就出來了非常強烈的反對。這讓沒有意義的我。然後我說，這將是一場災難，並會破壞中東地區。我說，如果沒有伊拉克對他們忍住，伊朗將試圖接管中東地區。
And that’s exactly what has happened.
而這正是發生了什麼事。
There are some places in the world where massive force is necessary. The threat from ISIS is real. It is a new kind of enemy and it has to be stopped. The longer we wait before doing that, the more dangerous it will become. We don’t need another 9/11 to understand that these people want to kill us, and we’re not doing enough to prevent them from spreading their vicious brand of terrorism. The headlines and videos tell us what we’re dealing with: rapes, kidnapping, and lining up civilians in order to cut their heads off. There is also strong evidence that ISIS is resorting to chemical warfare.
有在世界上龐大的勢力是必要的一些地方。從ISIS的威脅是真實的。它是一種新型的敵人的，它有被停止。我們這樣做之前等待的時間越長，越危險就越小。我們不需要另一個9/11明白，這些人想殺死我們，我們沒有採取足夠的措施防止它們傳播的惡性恐怖主義。頭條新聞和視頻告訴我們什麼，我們正在處理的：強姦，綁架和排隊的平民，以削減他們的腦袋。也有強有力的證據表明ISIS是訴諸化學戰。
It’s time to get serious about our response. Either we’re fighting to win or we’re going to continue to be big losers.
它的時間來認真對待我們的反應。無論是我們正在爭取贏得或我們將繼續成為大輸家。
Unfortunately, it may require boots on the ground to fight the Islamic State. I don’t think it’s necessary to broadcast our strategy. (In fact, one of the most ridiculous policy blunders President Obama has committed was to announce our timetable for withdrawal from Iraq and Afghanistan.) If military advisers recommend it, we should commit a limited—but sufficient—number of troops to fight on the ground. We could also easily expand air operations to make it impossible for ISIS to ever find safe haven anywhere in the region. Our policy of trying to be “advisers” in the field has certainly been a failure.
不幸的是，它可能需要在地面上的靴子拼伊斯蘭國。我不認為這是必要的轉播我們的戰略。 （事實上，最可笑的政策失誤，歐巴馬總統已經承諾之一是宣布我們從伊拉克和阿富汗撤軍時間表。）如果軍事顧問推薦它，就要犯部隊的戰鬥有限，但足以號碼地面。我們也可以很容易地擴大空中行動，使其無法ISIS永遠尋找避難所在該地區的任何地方。我們的努力是“顧問”在該領域的政策無疑是失敗的。
However, I have a unique perspective on what action we should take. While ISIS is our most violent enemy, they ended up with oil in Iraq and Syria that we should have taken. That oil, along with ransom and extortion, is funding their army. I’ve advocated bombing the hell out of those oil fields to cut off the source of their money. This would barely affect the world oil supply, but it would dramatically reduce their ability to fund terrorism.
不過，我對我們應該採取什麼樣的行動了獨特的視角。雖然ISIS是我們最猛烈的敵人，他們結束了在伊拉克和敘利亞的石油，我們應該採取。這種油，用贖金和敲詐一起，資助他們的軍隊。我主張轟炸地獄的油田，切斷他們的資金來源。這將幾乎影響世界石油供應，但它會極大地降低他們的資助恐怖主義的能力。
We have to take that oil because it is the source of their wealth. We would hit them so hard and so fast in so many different ways they wouldn’t know what happened. And then we’d hit them again and again until ISIS ceased to exist as a threat to anybody.
我們必須採取油，因為這是他們的財富之源。我們會打他們太辛苦，在他們不知道發生了什麼事情這麼多不同的方式這麼快。然後我們會一次又一次地打擊他們，直到ISIS不復存在，對任何人構成威脅。
我們沒有選擇。這些人是中世紀野蠻人。他們切斷了頭，他們淹死的人，他們折磨的人，我們不能讓他們永遠獲得一個安全的立足之地的任何地方。
The number of ISIS troops is relatively small. Our intelligence community has estimated that there are no more than 30,000 to 50,000 ISIS fighters. People are usually surprised by that number. ISIS has done such a good job promoting fear that people assume it to be a much larger force. It isn’t. The entire ISIS force probably wouldn’t even fill Yankee Stadium. So defeating them requires a real commitment to go after them relentlessly wherever they are, without stopping, until every one of them is dead—and always bringing in other countries to help out.
ISIS部隊的數目相對較小。我們的情報界估計，有不超過3萬至5 ISIS戰士。人們通常用這個數字感到驚訝。 ISIS曾經做過這樣一份好工作促進恐懼，人們認為它是一個更大的力量。事實並非如此。整個ISIS力可能不會甚至可以填寫洋基球場。所以擊敗他們需要一個真正的承諾，無論他們在哪裡去照顧他們無情，沒有停止，直到他們每個人都已經死了，而在其他國家總是把助陣。
Iran is a much more complex problem.
伊朗是一個更複雜的問題。
I am not afraid to criticize President Obama when he gets it wrong. When he was running for president in 2008, he correctly said, “Iran is a grave threat. It has an illicit nuclear program, it supports terrorism across the region and militias in Iraq, it threatens Israel’s existence, and it denies the Holocaust.”
我不怕批評歐巴馬總統的時候，他得到它錯了。當他在2008年競選總統時，他正確地說，“伊朗是一個嚴重威脅。它有一個非法核計劃，它支持在伊拉克地區和民兵恐怖主義，它威脅到以色列的存在，並否認大屠殺“。
So why when Iran was struggling financially would he agree to a nuclear deal that releases billions of dollars’ worth of assets, which will further subsidize their terrorism business? It makes no sense.
那麼，為什麼當伊朗經濟上掙扎，他會同意，釋放千億美元的資產，這將他們的恐怖主義企業進一步補貼一個核能合作協議？這個不成立。
Iran was a powerful nation until the religious fanatics took over. As long as those people remain in power, Iran will be our enemy and a threat to Israel’s existence. Their supreme leader, Ayatollah Khamenei, has promised that Israel won’t exist in 25 years. We have to take that threat seriously and act accordingly.
伊朗是一個強大的國家，直到宗教狂熱分子接任。只要這些人繼續掌權，伊朗將是我們的敵人，以色列的生存構成威脅。他們的最高領袖，哈梅內伊，已經承諾，以色列將不會在25年內存在。我們要採取嚴肅的威脅並採取相應行動。
I’ve always loved and admired the Jewish people and supported the special relationship we have with Israel. The next president has to restore our traditionally strong partnership. We have been there for Israel and will continue to be there for Israel, because it is the one stable democracy in that region. It has become a fair-trading partner and a fellow pioneer on the frontiers of medicine, communications, technology, and energy development, which will benefit both of our nations well into the future.
我一直喜歡和推崇的猶太人民，並支持我們與以色列的特殊關係。接下來的總統有權恢復我們傳統的強有力的夥伴關係。我們一直有以色列，並將繼續在那裡為以色列，因為它在該地區的一個穩定的民主國家。它已成為一個公平的貿易夥伴，在醫藥，通訊，技術和能源發展的前沿，這將我們兩國受益以及未來的研究員先驅。
The miles that separate us right now from Iran are only a temporary barrier for them. If, or when, they develop missiles that can reach this country they will become a much greater threat. Meanwhile, they are financially supporting terrorist groups all over the world—and those groups are a real threat to our country and to our military serving overseas. Our enemies no longer need huge armies or billion-dollar missile systems to attack this country. Technology has made it possible for one or two terrorists to inflict terrible damage on us. We’ve got to stop Iran from sponsoring these murderers.
我們認為伊朗現在分開英里只對他們的臨時屏障。如果，或者，他們開發的導彈可以打到這個國家，他們將成為更大的威脅。同時，他們財政上支持恐怖組織在世界各地和這些團體對我們的國家和我們的軍隊中服役的海外真正的威脅。我們的敵人不再需要龐大的軍隊或數十億美元的導彈系統攻擊這個國家。技術已經使人們有可能一兩個恐怖分子造成美國嚴重損害。我們已經得到了來自贊助這些殺人犯阻止伊朗。
But instead, we continue losing.
但是相反，我們繼續喪失。
The deal President Obama negotiated with Iran was the worst I have ever seen. We couldn’t have done worse.
該協議歐巴馬總統談判與伊朗是我所見過的最糟糕。我們不能做差。
Iran was boxed in and the sanctions were hurting them. President Obama put his “legacy” on the line and before we walked into negotiations, the mullahs knew he had to have a deal or end up looking even more incompetent, so they fleeced him.
伊朗在盒裝和制裁傷害他們。歐巴馬總統把他的“遺產”上線之前，我們走進了談判，毛拉知道他必須有交易或最終看起來更無能，所以他們被宰了他。
Disgraceful.
可恥。
We did everything wrong in those negotiations. Instead of removing the sanctions that forced the Iranians to negotiate, we should have doubled or tripled the sanctions.
我們所做的一切都是錯的談判。而不是刪除，迫使伊朗談判的制裁，我們應該有兩倍或三倍的制裁。
Remember the principal strategy of negotiation: The side that needs the deal the most is the one that should walk away with the least.
記住談判的主要策略 ： 方需要處理的最是應該走開用最少的之一。
I would have increased the sanctions until the conditions there were so terrible that the Iranian leaders were begging for a deal.
直到條件有那麼可怕，伊朗領導人乞求的交易，我會增加制裁。
I would have laid down certain conditions that had to be agreed to, starting with the release of our four prisoners.
我會放下，必須予以同意，從我們的四名囚犯釋放一定的條件。
I wouldn’t have settled for less than a complete dismantling of all their nuclear facilities, destruction of all their centrifuges, and on-site inspections anytime, anywhere.
我不會滿足於小於其所有核設施完全拆解，他們所有的離心機的破壞，現場檢查，隨時隨地。
We didn’t get any of that—none of it—and then we released billions of dollars that had been frozen.
我們沒有得到任何-沒有的它，然後我們發布了數十億已被凍結的美元。
We literally paid them to force us to accept a terrible deal. That would be like me beginning negotiations to build another magnificent skyscraper along the Hudson with 50-mile views in all directions, and walking out with approval to put up a small three-story building facing a wall.
我們實際上付給他們強迫我們接受一個可怕的交易。這將是像我一樣開始談判建立在所有方向50英里的意見沿哈得遜又一個輝煌的摩天大樓，並走出贊同把一個小三層樓的建築面朝牆壁。
Iran got what it wanted (the release of their seized assets) and in return gave up what might have seemed like huge concessions, only to find out that there were so many loopholes that it will be nearly impossible to enforce anything meaningful.
伊朗得到了它想要的東西（他們被扣押資產的釋放），作為回報，放棄了什麼可能似乎是巨大的讓步，才發現，有這麼多的漏洞，這將是幾乎無法執行任何有意義。
The possibility of Iran defying the world and developing a nuclear weapon is still very real. If the Iranians decide to prevent us (or the International Atomic Energy Agency) from inspecting their facilities, there isn’t too much that we can do about it other than take military action. The coalition of countries that enforced those sanctions is finished. Those countries—and several of them couldn’t care less about Israel—had people in Tehran talking business before the ink had dried on the side agreements.
伊朗無視世界，發展核武器的可能性還是非常真實的。如果伊朗決定阻止我們（或國際原子能機構）的檢查他們的設施，沒有太多我們可以做些什麼除了採取軍事行動。強迫這些制裁國家的聯合完成。這些國家和其中幾個可能不關心在德黑蘭以色列不得不讓人談生意油墨已經在一旁幹協議之前。
And then President Obama wouldn’t let Congress look at the deal. Once the new Iranian “partners” start making money there is no way the sanctions can ever be put back into place.
然後，歐巴馬總統不會讓美國國會考慮這筆交易。一旦伊朗新“合作夥伴”開始賺錢是沒有辦法制裁都不能放回到位。
Unfortunately, the deal is done. Once the sanctions are removed there is no going back, no “snapback.” Putting sanctions back in place unilaterally won’t do any good. I am especially good at reading a contract. There is always a loophole, we need to find it and, if necessary, they will pay big-league dollars.
不幸的是，這筆交易就完成了。一旦制裁被刪除有沒有回頭路，沒有“驟回。”把制裁放回原處單方面將沒有任何好處。我是在讀一本合同特別好。總有一個漏洞，我們需要找到它，如果有必要，他們將支付大聯盟美元。
Whatever it takes, whatever we have to do, Iran cannot be allowed to build a nuclear weapon.
不管需要什麼，無論我們要做的，伊朗不能被允許製造核武器。
There are many different ways to make sure that Iran is never armed with nuclear weapons. I’d be happy to sit down with the Iranian leaders when they understand that the best course for them, if they want to be a major player in the civilized world, is to close down their entire nuclear program. An Iran with a nuclear weapon would start a nuclear arms race in the Middle East with potentially devastating consequences. The situation would rapidly escalate to being the most dangerous threat Israel has ever faced. And it would force us to use extreme measures in defense of Israel and other allies in the region.
有許多不同的方式，以確保伊朗不會與核武器武裝起來。我會很高興，當他們明白，他們當然最好，如果他們想在文明世界的主要參與者，是要關閉其整個核計劃坐下來與伊朗領導人。有核武器的伊朗將開始在中東地區核軍備競賽與潛在的破壞性後果。這種情況將很快升級到是以色列有史以來面臨的最危險的威脅。它會迫使美國在該地區使用的極端措施，以色列國防等盟友。
That’s not going to happen, whatever Iran might think right now.
這是不會發生的，不管伊朗現在可能怎麼想。
Today the world has to deal with two “sets” of China.
今天，世界上有兩「套」跟中國打交道的劇本。
The good China is the one that has built great cities and provided housing and education for millions of people. The good China allows its citizens to travel around the world and get an education, and has helped create a growing middle class.
好中國是一個已建成偉大的城市和一個為千百萬人提供的住房和教育。好中國允許其公民周遊世界，並得到一個教育，並幫助建立了一個不斷壯大的中產階級。
The bad China is the one that’s mostly hidden to outsiders. It’s the government that controls Internet access for its citizens, cracks down on political dissent, closes newspapers, jails dissidents, restricts individual freedoms, launches cyber-attacks, and uses its clout around the world to manipulate economies.
壞中國是主要的隱藏外人之一。這是控制其公民上網，裂縫倒在持不同政見者，關閉報紙，囚禁異見人士，限制了個人自由，展開網絡攻擊政府，並使用其影響力在世界各地來操縱經濟。
And all the while it is building up its military strength.
而這段時間是建立其軍事實力。
There is no question that dealing with China, along with Russia, is going to continue to be our biggest challenge long-term.
毫無疑問，與中國打交道，與俄羅斯一起，將繼續成為我們長期中最大的挑戰。
Our competition with China right now is economic, and we’ve been losing that battle for a long time. China has become our third-largest trading partner, behind only our neighbors Canada and Mexico. Yet China holds more of our American debt—more than $1.5 trillion—than any other country. (Although Japan is close.) As we saw in the summer of 2015 when the Chinese stock markets collapsed, our economies are tied together in a very negative way.
我們與中國的競爭，現在是經濟方面。我們已經輸了這場戰鬥很長一段時間。中國已經成為我們的第三大貿易夥伴，僅次於鄰國加拿大和墨西哥。然而，中國相比之下持有超過 1.5 Trillion 美國國債。 （雖然日本也接近了）。正如我們在2015年夏天的時候，中國股市崩潰所看到的，我們的經濟在一個非常消極的方式連接在一起。
Many years ago, there was an adage that “When General Motors sneezes, the stock market catches a cold.” In those days, GM was such a big player in the economy that if it stumbled, our economy suffered, too. The recent precipitous decline of the Chinese stock market caused our own Dow Jones average to plummet 1,000 points in a couple of days as investors ran for cover. Likewise, our trade deficit has been a dangerous drag on our economy. When China devalues its currency, this upsets the already tenuous balance of trade.
很多年以前，有一個格言：「如果通用汽車打噴嚏，股市就感冒。」在那些日子裡，通用汽車是在經濟圈當中是如此大的玩家，如果它迷迷糊糊的，我們的經濟遭受了。近期中國股市的急劇下降造成我們自己的道瓊斯指數在一兩天暴跌1000點，投資者趕緊四處躲避。同樣，我們的貿易赤字已經對我們的經濟產生危險的拖累。當中國貶值其貨幣，這攪得貿易已經脆弱的平衡。
We know that we have become dependent on the emerging Chinese markets—but they have become dependent on us, too. In 2014, we imported 17 percent more Chinese goods than any other country in the world. Hong Kong, which is a wholly owned subsidiary of China, was second and Japan a distant third. The health of the Chinese economy depends on us. They need our trade more than we need them.
我們知道，我們已經成為依賴於新興市場的中國，但是他們已經成為依賴美國了。在2014年，我們進口的17％的中國商品比世界上任何其他國家。香港，這是中國的全資子公司，是第二次和日本位居第三。中國經濟的健康取決於我們。他們需要我們的貿易比我們更需要他們。
Foolishly, we don’t use that to our advantage.
愚蠢的是，我們不使用它來我們的優勢。
For the last few decades, China’s economy has been growing at a phenomenal 9 to 10 percent each year, although more recently there are signs of a cooling off. Despite these recent upheavals, economists have made predictions that within the next decade, China will replace the United States as the world’s largest economy. What have we done to make sure we will be able to compete with them? What have we done to beat them?
在過去的幾十年裡，中國的經濟一直在增長驚人，每年9％到10％的，但近期也有降溫的跡象。儘管這些最近的動盪，經濟學家們預言在未來十年內，中國將取代美國成為世界上最大的經濟體。我們做了什麼，以確保我們將能夠與他們競爭？我們做了什麼，以擊敗他們？
I’ll tell you what we’ve done: We’ve rolled over.
我會告訴你我們做了什麼：我們已經翻了個身。
There are people who wish I wouldn’t refer to China as our enemy. But that’s exactly what they are. They have destroyed entire industries by utilizing low-wage workers, cost us tens of thousands of jobs, spied on our businesses, stolen our technology, and have manipulated and devalued their currency, which makes importing our goods more expensive—and sometimes, impossible.
還有誰希望我不是指中國是我們的敵人的人。但是，這也正是它們是什麼。他們利用低工資工人破壞了整個行業，我們損失就業崗位上萬個，窺探我們的企業，竊取我們的技術，並操縱和貶值本國貨幣，這使得進口我們的商品更加昂貴，有時甚至是不可能的。
I know from my own experience that this is a difficult problem. The Chinese are very savvy businesspeople, and they have great advantages over our manufacturers. I’ve had several Trump-brand products made there.
我從我自己的經驗知道，這是一個棘手的問題。中國人是很精明的商人，他們有比我們的製造商很大的優勢。我已經做了幾個有特朗普品牌的產品。
That’s a good example of the difference between a politician and a businessman. To stay in business I have to be smarter than my competition. I could make a very important point if I refused to have my goods manufactured there.
這是一個政治家和商人之間的區別的一個很好的例子。留在企業我必須比我更聰明的競爭。我可以做一個很重要的一點，如果我拒絕了我的貨在那裡生產。
As long as we’re playing under these conditions American companies don’t have a choice. Third-world countries have substantially lower production costs. They have lower overhead and pay their workers a lot less. As a businessman, I have an obligation to all of my employees and to consumers and stockholders to produce the best product at the lowest possible price.
只要我們在這些條件下打美國公司沒有選擇。第三世界國家具有基本上較低的生產成本。它們具有較低的開銷，並支付他們的工人少了很多。作為一個商人，我有義務為我所有的員工，並為消費者和股東，生產出最好的產品以盡可能低的價格。
However, as a matter of American global policy, we want to take away China’s advantages. Last year, President Obama went to China and they held a beautiful banquet for him. Before Chinese president Xi Jinping made a reciprocal visit here, the White House announced plans for a lavish dinner. I made the point that hosting a state dinner in his honor was about the last thing I would do. Instead I’d tell him it was time we got down to business, and we would go to work. For starters, the Chinese regime must stop devaluing their currency because doing so makes it even harder for the rest of the world to compete.
然而，隨著美國全球政策的問題，我們要拿走中國的優勢。去年，歐巴馬總統來到中國與他們舉行了一個美麗的宴會他。前中國國家主席習近平在這裡做了回訪，白宮宣布了豪華晚餐計劃。我提出的觀點，舉辦在他的榮譽國宴是關於過去的事情我會怎麼做。相反，我會告訴他，這是一次我們開始做正事了，我們會去上班。對於初學者來說，中國當局必須停止貶值本國貨幣，因為這樣做使得它更難為世界其他國家競爭。
The reality is that China needs a strong American economy as much as we need their business. In May 2015, for example, Americans bought $1 out of every $5 worth of products China exported that month. We buy almost 20 percent of all their exports, considerably more than the EU does, which is the second-biggest consumer of Chinese goods. And that American percentage is increasing every year, making China more and more dependent on the American consumer for its own prosperity.
現實情況是，中國需要一個強大的美國經濟就像我們需要他們的業務。在2015年5月，例如，美國人購買了$ 1，每$價值5英鎊的產品，中國的出口一個月。我們買的所有出口的近20％，大大超過歐盟確實，這是中國商品的第二大消費國。而且美國的比例逐年增加，使得中國越來越多的依賴於自身的繁榮的美國消費者。
As Steve Forbes wrote in his magazine, “China’s holdings in US Treasuries, which reached record levels in 2013, are setting off alarm bells. They shouldn’t. They underscore that Beijing is becoming more dependent on the US and the rest of the world for its strength and prosperity.”
正如史蒂夫·福布斯在他的雜誌中寫道，“中國持有的美國國債，達到2013年創紀錄的水平，都掀起了警鐘。他們不應該。他們強調，北京正越來越依賴於美國和世界的實力和繁榮的休息。“
Remember: The Chinese need us as much as we need them.
請記住：中國需要我們多，我們需要他們。
Maybe even more.
甚至更。
So what should we do about it? We are going to use the leverage we have to change the situation so that it favors America and our people. We have to start by getting tough with the Chinese. I’ve negotiated with Chinese companies. I know how they do business. I’m actually landlord to China’s largest bank, which has its offices in Trump Tower. We’ve successfully negotiated several leases. It hasn’t always been easy. These are skilled people but I never backed down.
所以，我們應該做些什麼呢？我們將利用我們的影響力來改變這種狀況，使其有利於美國和我們的人民。我們必須通過獲取強硬與中國啟動。我已經談判與中國公司。我知道他們是怎麼做生意。我其實樓主中國最大的銀行，它有在川普大廈的辦公室。我們已經成功地協商幾個租賃。它並不總是容易的。這些技術的人，但我從不退縮。
Believe me, I know the best negotiators in this country, and a lot of them would be ready to go to work creating a fair balance of trade. If people like Carl Icahn were representing America, we would see a big difference in our trading policy.
相信我，我知道在這個國家最優秀的談判，很多人就準備去上班創造貿易的公平的平衡。如果這樣的人卡爾·伊坎代表了美國，我們將看到在我們的貿易政策有很大的不同。
We actually hold a very strong hand. Unfortunately, our politicians are either too stupid or too foolish to understand this. Maybe they are both. We have several very good options, but it is always important to be flexible—and never reveal our cards. Our politicians talk too much.
我們實際持有很強的牌。不幸的是，我們的政治家是不是太傻還是太愚蠢地明白這一點。也許他們都是。我們有幾個很不錯的選擇，但它始終是重要的是靈活的和從未透露我們的卡。我們的政治家說得太多。
President Obama makes strong statements and promises us vigorous actions then nothing happens.
歐巴馬總統令強硬的聲明，並承諾我們積極的行動，則什麼也不會發生。
So what happens when he makes those promises and never follows through? He loses all his credibility. I wonder what our great generals, men like MacArthur and Patton, would say if they heard a president revealing our plans for the Middle East or daring our enemies to cross a line.
他讓那些承諾永不遵循通過時會發生什麼？他失去了所有的信譽。我不知道他們聽到總統揭示我們對中東計劃或不敢我們的敵人越過一條線我們的大將軍，男人喜歡麥克阿瑟和巴頓，會說些什麼。
A very good story recently quoted a businessman describingme as “unpredictable,” noting it was one of my better qualities and helped me make a lot of money. Now that I am running for president, which so many experts predicted I would not do, that same trait has made it really hard for all my critics to figure out how to compete with my message. They’re all busy playing nicely, following all the establishment rules, taking every predictable step, trying to fit inside the conventional wisdom—and when I don’t play that game, they don’t know how to respond.
一個很好的故事，最近曾描述一個商人我是「不可預測」的，他指出，這是我最好的品質之一，幫我賺了不少錢。現在，我是總統，這也讓不少專家預測我不會做運行，同樣的特質使得它真的很難為我所有的批評者要弄清楚如何與我的信息競爭。他們都忙著打得很漂亮，下面所有的規則建立，走的每一步預測，試圖將傳統的智慧裡，當我不玩這個遊戲，他們不知道如何應對。
Tipping your hand is one of the dumbest mistakes you can make in a military confrontation. I’ve read a lot of history and I don’t recall reading that General George Washington made hotel reservations in Valley Forge, or that he sent ahead his best wishes to the Hessians in Trenton. The element of surprise wins battles. So I don’t tell the other side what I’m doing, I don’t warn them, and I don’t let them fit me comfortably into a predictable pattern. I don’t want people to know exactly what I’m doing—or thinking. I like being unpredictable.
小費你的手，你可以在一個軍事對峙使最愚蠢的錯誤之一。我已經讀了很多歷史，我不記得讀取將軍喬治·華盛頓在福吉谷做酒店預訂，或者說，他派他的未來祝福粗麻布特倫頓。驚喜的元素贏得戰鬥。因此，我不告訴對方我在做什麼，我不提醒他們，我不要讓他們舒服地適合我到一個可預測的模式。我不希望人們知道到底我在做什麼，或思考。我喜歡捉摸不透。
It keeps them off balance.
這讓他們失去平衡。
As a leader, I also know there are times when you should keep your cards close to the vest. When I was assembling property to build a skyscraper, for example, I had to buy many small lots so I could combine them into one very large and valuable buildable location, and total secrecy was an absolute necessity. If the owners of those properties had found out what I was doing they would have been able to squeeze considerably more money out of me for their properties.
作為一個領導者，我也知道有些時候，你應該讓你的卡接近背心。當我被組裝特性建立一個摩天大樓，例如，我只好買很多小很多，所以我可以將它們組合成一個非常大的和有價值的可建的位置，完全保密是絕對必要的。如果這些物業的業主已經發現了我在做什麼，他們本來能擠出相當多的錢了我對他們的財產。
My point is that right now we’re doing too much talking.
我的觀點是，現在我們正在做太多說話。
當與中國打交道，我們需要站出來給他們，並提醒他們，這是不良商家把你最好的客戶的優勢。然後，我們應該坐下來，並找出如何使這個一個更加公平的關係。
There is no one-size-fits-all foreign policy. We need to make our beliefs very clear and let them form the framework of our policy.
有沒有一個放之四海而皆準的所有外交政策。我們需要讓我們的信念非常明確，讓他們成為我們政策的框架。
Everything begins with a strong military. Everything.
一切始於一個強大的軍事。一切。
We will have the strongest military in our history, and our people will be equipped with the best weaponry and protection available.
我們將有強大的軍事在我們的歷史，我們的人民將配備最好的武器和保護提供。
Period.
期。
That means the best missile systems, the best cyber-warfare training and equipment, and the best-trained soldiers. And when they come home after a war, battered and bruised, our troops won’t have to wait months for treatment.
這意味著最好的導彈系統，最好的網絡戰訓練和設備，以及最訓練有素的士兵。而當他們一戰，傷痕累累之後回家，我們的部隊將不必等待數月為一療程。
We owe those who serve us the best and the fastest care. It’s ridiculous how long our vets have to wait to get the help they deserve. They are our heroes, and the present administration has forgotten them.
我們欠那些誰成為我們最好和最快的服務。這是荒謬的我們的獸醫有多久等待得到應有的幫助。他們是我們的英雄，而目前政府已經忘記他們。
So how do we turn the tide and start winning again?
那麼，如何才能力挽狂瀾，重新開始贏了？
As I’ve said, it starts with the most advanced and muscular military in the world, the most mobile one as well. We need to put some of the bill for this transformation on the Saudi Arabians, the South Koreans, the Germans, the Japanese, and the British. We’re protecting them, after all, and they should share in the costs.
正如我已經說過了，它開始與世界上最先進和肌肉軍隊，大多數手機之一，也是。我們需要把一些該法案的有關沙特阿拉伯人，韓國人，德國人，日本人，英國人這種轉變。我們要保護他們，畢竟，他們應該在費用分擔。
Next, we need to operate from a position of economic strength. We have the most powerful consumer engine in the world. We just need to start using it to our full advantage.
接下來，我們需要從經濟的位置進行操作的實力。我們擁有世界上最強大的消費引擎。我們只需要開始用它來我們的充分利用。
Nobody likes to do business more than I do, but every deal I make will have one objective: America wins.
沒有人喜歡做的比我做的生意多了，但每次交易我做都會有一個目標：美國勝。
We need to use the economic strength of American markets and the American consumer to assist our friends and remind our enemies about the benefits of cooperation.
我們需要利用美國市場的經濟實力和美國消費者，幫助我們的朋友，並提醒有關合作的好處我們的敵人。
We need to use those strengths to form stronger alliances with our natural allies, but we need to expect them to be there when they are needed. I still don’t understand why Germany and other countries watched impassively as Putin marched into Ukraine. You can be sure Israel can be counted on to stand tall with us in the Middle East.
我們需要利用這些優勢，形成與我們的天然盟友強大的聯盟，但我們需要期待他們有需要的時候。我還是不明白，為什麼德國和其他國家面無表情地看著普京進軍烏克蘭。你可以肯定，以色列可以在中東挺起胸膛與我們進行計數。
And finally, we need to pay special attention to the Chinese. Their days of undercutting us with protectionist policies and cyber-theft are over.
最後，我們要特別關注中國。它們與保護主義政策和網絡盜竊我們搶生意的日子已經過去了。
The new dawn of America has just begun.
美國的新的曙光剛剛開始。